{"id":42619,"date":"2025-09-10T18:46:02","date_gmt":"2025-09-10T16:46:02","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/citizenshiprightsafrica.org\/?p=42619"},"modified":"2025-09-12T18:49:19","modified_gmt":"2025-09-12T16:49:19","slug":"uganda-banyarwandas-struggle-for-citizenship","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/citizenshiprightsafrica.org\/en\/uganda-banyarwandas-struggle-for-citizenship\/","title":{"rendered":"Uganda: Banyarwanda&#8217;s struggle for citizenship"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>By Rodgers Manishimwe, Director, Research Council for Abavadimwe<\/p>\n<p>The Banyarwanda\u2014the Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa\u2014are a significant ethnic community in Uganda whose history dates far beyond the colonial boundaries. Despite being declared indigenous by Uganda&#8217;s 1995 Constitution; they continue to face structural discrimination that restricts their access to full citizenship rights.<\/p>\n<p>Historically, the Banyarwanda came to settle in Uganda through pre-colonial migrations within the Great Lakes region, particularly Ankole and Kigezi. Their pastoralist way of life shaped the socioeconomic existence of southwestern Uganda. During Belgian colonial domination of Rwanda (1916\u20131962), the Mission d&#8217;Immigration des Banyarwanda enabled large-scale migration to British Uganda to relieve demographic strain and supply labour, particularly in agriculture. And by 1920s they were already a significant part of the rural labour force.<\/p>\n<p>Subsequent political unrest in Rwanda, including the 1959 anti-Tutsi revolution, displaced many refugees\u2014such as the case of Paul Kagame\u2014into Uganda. Women played the leading role in preserving cultural identity and Kinyarwanda language in spite of the integration of the population. Today, Banyarwanda communities exist in Uganda&#8217;s western region\u2014Kisoro, Kabale, Ntungamo, Isingiro, Mbarara, Kamwenge\u2014and the urban cities of Kampala and Masaka. In Kisoro, they refer to themselves as Bafumbira, having originated in the Bufumbira region near the Mufumbiro ranges. Though hitherto they lived on pastoralism and farming, Banyarwanda today engage in trade, business, and border trade, being a central figure in Uganda&#8217;s economy. Land disputes and feelings of foreigners continue to exist, though especially in regions like Buganda and Acholi.<\/p>\n<p>Censuses figures confirm their early settlements in Uganda. In 1911, they were Uganda&#8217;s fourth largest ethnic group. In 1959, there were over 800,000 enumerated. The 2014 census enumerated about 500,000\u2014presumably an undercounting by underreporting and migration. The 2024 census estimated the figure at over 524,000, mostly in western regions. The 1995 Constitution enumerates the Banyarwanda among 65 indigenous groups who are eligible for birth citizenship. Article 10 extends the right to Ugandans at independence in 1962 or to descendants of acknowledged groups. However, the 1926 deadline puts naturalisation out of reach for many whose family documents were lost in war and displacement. Discretionary application of immigration policy and bureaucratic hurdles make it difficult for Banyarwanda to obtain national IDs and passports. Dual nationality existed until 2017, but since then, restrictive measures have added to statelessness.<\/p>\n<p>Previously, Banyarwanda have faced persecution by past regimes. Milton Obote&#8217;s first regime (1962\u20131971) suspected them during refugee settlements. Idi Amin&#8217;s regime (1971\u20131979) persecuted them alongside other minorities. Obote&#8217;s second government (1980-1985) had thrown 80,000 Banyarwanda into refugee camps while questioning their citizenship. Since 1986, with regime change and the NRM in power, there was some shift. A greater degree of inclusion evolved. While some distrust still exists, NRM certainly ended mass expulsions and began embracing integration. Much to the relief of the Banyarwanda, Executive Order No. 1 of January 2025, signed by Museveni, brought to bear the issue long on documentation by ordering that IDs and passports be processed for them.<\/p>\n<p>This move, under the direction of Abavandimwe Council chairman Frank Gashumba, was welcomed graciously prior to the 2026 election, reviving access to education and employment.<\/p>\n<p>But problems persist. Most Banyarwanda are still excluded from records on the basis of physical profiling, names, and accents. The lack of tracing family prior to 1926 makes most functionally stateless. Ethnic tensions, &#8220;Rwandan penetration&#8221; fears, and disputed land claims isolate them further, excluding them from full political and civic society participation. In spite of hundreds of years of marginalisation, the Banyarwanda have endured and contributed immensely to the growth of Uganda. Their economic, political, and cultural contribution is testimony to their place in Ugandan society. Complete acceptance of their citizenship is called for by genuine national integration. Banyarwanda integration is not a constitutional requirement\u2014it is a requirement for an equitable, just, and multi-cultural Uganda.<\/p>\n<p>Read further: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.monitor.co.ug\/uganda\/oped\/commentary\/banyarwanda-s-struggle-for-citizenship-5188952\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https:\/\/www.monitor.co.ug\/uganda\/oped\/commentary\/banyarwanda-s-struggle-for-citizenship-5188952<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"By Rodgers Manishimwe, Director, Research Council for Abavadimwe The Banyarwanda\u2014the Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa\u2014are a significant ethnic community in Uganda whose history dates far beyond the colonial boundaries. Despite being declared indigenous by Uganda&#8217;s 1995 Constitution; they continue to face structural discrimination that restricts their access to full citizenship rights. Historically, the Banyarwanda came to [&hellip;]","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-42619","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized","region-uganda","type-news-articles","item-year-698","item-theme-acquisition-by-children","item-theme-discrimination","item-theme-ethnic-racial-religious","item-theme-statelessness"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/citizenshiprightsafrica.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/42619","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/citizenshiprightsafrica.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/citizenshiprightsafrica.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/citizenshiprightsafrica.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/citizenshiprightsafrica.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=42619"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/citizenshiprightsafrica.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/42619\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":42620,"href":"https:\/\/citizenshiprightsafrica.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/42619\/revisions\/42620"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/citizenshiprightsafrica.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=42619"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/citizenshiprightsafrica.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=42619"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/citizenshiprightsafrica.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=42619"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}