Ousmane Kon\u00e9, PhD dissertation, University of Montreal<\/p>\n
Abstract (French followed by English)<\/p>\n
L\u2019objectif de cette th\u00e8se est d\u2019analyser et de comprendre la dynamique de la controverse autour de l\u2019adoption en 2009 du code des personnes et de la famille au Mali. Elle s\u2019int\u00e9resse particuli\u00e8rement aux principaux enjeux, c’est-\u00e0-dire aux questions \u00e0 l\u2019origine de cette controverse ainsi qu\u2019aux strat\u00e9gies mises en place par les diff\u00e9rents acteurs sociaux (les organisations islamiques et leurs alli\u00e9s, d\u2019une part, et d\u2019autre part, les organisations f\u00e9minines et les leurs) afin d\u2019infl\u00e9chir le processus. En plus du pourquoi et du comment de cette controverse, notre recherche visait \u00e0 comprendre le bilan du processus tir\u00e9 par les acteurs eux-m\u00eames, le sentiment qui les anime \u00e0 l\u2019issu de ce long processus, leur appr\u00e9ciation de leur exp\u00e9rience, et leur vision de l\u2019avenir. Pour \u00e9tudier cette probl\u00e9matique, nous avons choisi l\u2019approche de l\u2019action collective protestataire, laquelle s\u2019inspire \u00e0 la fois des th\u00e9ories de l\u2019action collective, et de celles des mouvements sociaux et des dynamiques contestataires. Afin d\u2019analyser les enjeux au c\u0153ur de cette controverse, les strat\u00e9gies utilis\u00e9es par les acteurs ainsi que leur bilan du processus, nous avons opt\u00e9 pour une d\u00e9marche qualitative. En plus de la litt\u00e9rature grise, des articles de presse, documents audio et audiovisuels sur le sujet, notre travail de terrain de quatre mois dans la capitale malienne nous a permis de r\u00e9aliser plusieurs entrevues aupr\u00e8s des acteurs impliqu\u00e9s dans ce processus. S\u2019\u00e9tendant de 1996 \u00e0 2011, soit seize ans, l\u2019\u00e9laboration du code des personnes et de la famille au Mali fut un processus long, complexe, inhabituel et controvers\u00e9. Les r\u00e9sultats de notre recherche r\u00e9v\u00e8lent que plusieurs enjeux, notamment sociaux, \u00e9taient au c\u0153ur de cette controverse : le \u00abdevoir d\u2019ob\u00e9issance \u00bb de la femme \u00e0 son mari, la l\u00e9galisation du mariage religieux, l\u2019\u00ab \u00e9galit\u00e9 \u00bb entre fille et gar\u00e7on en mati\u00e8re d\u2019h\u00e9ritage et de succession et la reconnaissance de l\u2019enfant naturel ont \u00e9t\u00e9 les questions qui ont suscit\u00e9 le plus de d\u00e9bats. Si durant tout le processus, les questions relatives \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9galit\u00e9 de genre, au respect des droits de la femme et de l\u2019enfant, \u00e9taient les arguments d\u00e9fendus par les organisations f\u00e9minines et leurs alli\u00e9s, celles relatives au respect des valeurs religieuses (islamiques), soci\u00e9tales ou socioculturelles maliennes \u00e9taient, par contre, mises de l\u2019avant par les organisations islamiques et leurs alli\u00e9s. Ainsi, si le discours des OSC f\u00e9minines portait essentiellement sur le \u00ab respect de l\u2019\u00e9galit\u00e9 des sexes \u00bb conform\u00e9ment aux engagements internationaux sign\u00e9s par le Mali, celui des OSC islamiques s\u2019est, en revanche, centr\u00e9 sur le \u00ab respect des valeurs islamiques et socioculturelles \u00bb du Mali. Quant aux canaux de communication, les OSC f\u00e9minines se sont focalis\u00e9es sur les canaux classiques comme la presse, les radios, les conf\u00e9rences, entre autres. Les OSC islamiques ont \u00e9galement utilis\u00e9 ces canaux, mais elles se sont distingu\u00e9es des OSC f\u00e9minines en utilisant aussi les pr\u00eaches. Organis\u00e9s g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement dans les mosqu\u00e9es et autres espaces d\u00e9sign\u00e9s \u00e0 cet effet, ces pr\u00eaches ont consacr\u00e9 la victoire des OSC islamiques. Les radios islamiques ont jou\u00e9 elles aussi un r\u00f4le important dans la transmission de leurs messages. Pour ce qui est des strat\u00e9gies d\u2019actions, l\u2019action collective qui a chang\u00e9 la donne en faveur des OSC islamiques (renvoi du code en seconde lecture, prise en compte de leurs id\u00e9es), a \u00e9t\u00e9 le meeting du 22 ao\u00fbt 2009 \u00e0 Bamako, pr\u00e9c\u00e9d\u00e9 de marches de protestation dans la capitale nationale et toutes les capitales r\u00e9gionales du pays. Quant aux OSC f\u00e9minines, elles n\u2019ont men\u00e9 que quelques actions classiques (ou habituelle) comme les p\u00e9titions, le plaidoyer-lobbying, les conf\u00e9rences-d\u00e9bats, au point que certains observateurs ont parl\u00e9 de \u00ab strat\u00e9gie d\u2019inaction \u00bb chez elles. L\u2019analyse a \u00e9galement r\u00e9v\u00e9l\u00e9 l\u2019utilisation de strat\u00e9gies inusit\u00e9es de menaces et d\u2019intimidation par certains acteurs du camp des OSC islamiques \u00e0 l\u2019endroit des partisans du code. Si chaque groupe d\u2019acteurs a nou\u00e9 des alliances avec des acteurs locaux, les OSC f\u00e9minines sont les seules \u00e0 reconnaitre des alliances avec les acteurs ext\u00e9rieurs. Aujourd\u2019hui, si la plupart des membres des OSC islamiques ne cachent pas leur satisfaction face \u00e0 leur \u00ab victoire \u00bb et se pr\u00e9sentent en \u00ab sauveur de la nation malienne \u00bb, la plupart des membres des OSC f\u00e9minines se disent, quant \u00e0 elles, tr\u00e8s \u00ab d\u00e9\u00e7ues \u00bb et \u00ab indign\u00e9es \u00bb face \u00e0 l\u2019adoption du code actuel. Elles ne comprennent pas pourquoi d\u2019un \u00ab code progressiste \u00bb, le Mali s\u2019est retrouv\u00e9 avec un \u00ab code r\u00e9trograde et discriminatoire \u00bb envers les femmes. La th\u00e8se confirme non seulement la difficile conciliation entre droit coutumier, loi islamique et droit \u00ab moderne \u00bb, mais \u00e9galement l\u2019id\u00e9e que le droit demeure l\u2019expression des rapports de pouvoir et de domination. Enfin, notre recherche confirme la d\u00e9sormais incontournable influence des acteurs religieux sur le processus d\u2019\u00e9laboration des politiques publiques au Mali.<\/p>\n
The objective of this thesis is to analyze and understand the dynamics surrounding the controversy following the adoption of the Code of Persons and Family in Mali in 2009. It is particularly interested by the main issues, that is to say, the questions at the root of this controversy and the strategies implemented by different social actors (Islamic organizations and their allies, on the one hand, and women’s organizations and theirs, on the other) in order to influence the process. In addition to the \u201cwhy\u201d and the \u201chow\u201d of this controversy, our research focuses on the understanding of the process assessment made by the actors involved, the feeling that animates them at the end of this long process, their appreciation of their experience, and their vision of the future. To investigate this issue, we have chosen collective action protest’s approach, which inspired both theories of collective action, and those of social movements and protest dynamic. In order to analyze the stakes of this controversy, the strategies used by the actors and their assessment of the process, we opted for a qualitative approach. In addition to the gray literature, newspaper articles, audio and audiovisual materials on the subject, our field work during four months in the Malian capital has allowed us to make several interviews with the actors involved in this process. Stretching from 1996 to 2011, namely for sixteen years, the redaction of the Persons and Family Law in Mali was a long, complex, unusual and controversial process. Our research findings reveal that several issues, notably those social, were at the heart of this controversy: \u00ab\u00a0duty obedience\u00a0\u00bb of the wife to her husband, legalization of religious marriage, gender \u00ab\u00a0equality\u00a0\u00bb with regard to inheritance, and recognition of the illegitimate child were the questions that have generated the most debate. If during the whole process, questions related to gender equality, respect for women and children\u2019s rights were the arguments defended by women’s organizations and their allies, those relating to the respect of religious (Islamic), societal or sociocultural values of Mali were, on the contrary, put forward by Islamic\u2019s organizations and their allies. Thus, if the discourse of women’s organizations focused mainly on the \u00ab\u00a0respect of gender equality\u00a0\u00bb in accordance with international commitments signed by Mali, the discourse of Islamic organizations has, however, focused on the \u00ab\u00a0respect of Islamic and socio-cultural values\u00a0\u00bb of Mali. As for communication channels, women’s CSOs have focused on traditional channels like press, radio, conferences, among others. Islamic CSOs have also used these channels, but they have distinguished themselves from women’s CSOs by using also sermons. Generally organized in mosques and other spaces designated for that purpose, these sermons have consecrated the victory of Islamic CSOs. Islamic radios have also played an important role in the transmission of their messages. Concerning the strategies of action, the collective action that changed the situation in favor of the Islamic OSCs (resending the code for a second reading, inclusion of their ideas) was the meeting of August 22nd, 2009 in Bamako, preceded by protest marches in the national capital and all regional capitals of the country. As for women’s CSOs, they have only carried out some classic (or usual) actions like petitions, advocacy-lobbying, conferences and debates, to the point that some observers spoke of \u00ab\u00a0inaction strategy\u00a0\u00bb on their part. The analysis also revealed the use of unusual strategies of threats and intimidation by some actors of Islamic camp towards to the supporters of the code. If each group of actors has formed alliances with local actors, women’s CSOs are the only ones to recognize alliances with external actors. Today, if most members of Islamic CSOs don’t hide their satisfaction with their \u00ab\u00a0victory\u00a0\u00bb and present themselves like \u00ab\u00a0savior of the Malian nation\u00a0\u00bb, most members of women CSOs, meanwhile, say that they are very \u00ab\u00a0disappointed\u00a0\u00bb and \u00ab\u00a0indignant\u00a0\u00bb against the adoption of the current code. They don\u2019t understand why from a \u00ab\u00a0progressive code \u00ab\u00a0, Mali ended up with a \u00ab\u00a0retrograde and discriminatory code\u00a0\u00bb towards women. The thesis confirms the difficult reconciliation of customary law, Islamic law and modern law, but it also suggests the idea that the law remains an expression of power relations and domination. Finally, our research confirms the now unavoidable influence of religious actors on the public policy making process in Mali.<\/p>\n